| 140th Anniversary of THOMAS PAINE'S BIRTHDAY by D.M. Bennett, Editor of "The Truth Seeker"
My Friends: One hundred and forty years ago today, in the humble walks of life, an individual was born into this world, who, as he matured into manhood, became distinguished for the advocacy of human rights and human liberties, and who gave the best energies of his body and mind to benefit his fellow men, and to set them free from the political and religious fetters that bound them. His was a brave and fearless nature, and he dared to oppose equally the tyranny of crowned heads and mitered brows. He opposed everything that deprived men and women of civil and religious liberty. He opposed alike oppressive taxation, the infringement of civil rights, and the power which, in the name of religion, priests, bishops, and popes had long wielded to lead the mind of the world captive, and had fastened upon the race the shackles and fetters of mental slavery, more subversive of liberty and mole degrading that the most severe enactments of tyrannous kings, courts, and law-makers. We delight to honor the memory of this man; we take pleasure in calling to mind the great services he rendered his fellow beings, and the readiness and cheerfulness with which he gave his physical and mental vigorÑhis very life,Ñto elevate and improve the conditions of the world and to make mankind better and happier. We revere him because he felt an interest in the welfare of mankind; we love him because he loved his fellow men, and gave his strength and best services to extend to them the choicest blessings of life, and especially the great boon of civil and religious liberty. We delight the more to honor the memory of this man, and to recall the faithful services he performed, because of the justice that has been denied him, the obloquy that has been persistently cast upon his name by a bigoted, illiberal class, for a portion of those very services he so generously performed in favor of his fellow beings. Because he dared to examine the foundation upon which is based the most stupendous, oppressive, and exacting system of religious and mental bondage which the world has known; because he presumed to inspect and weigh the evidences and reasons which were advanced in support of this system of religious faith; because he dared to expose and hold up in the light of the noon- day sun the sophistries and falsities of this system of theology, its priests and their allies have never forgiven him. For this cause they have loaded his memory with reproach; for this the great deeds of a brave man have been misrepresented; for this have detraction, ostracism, and calumny done their basest work. Had this moral hero squared his conduct and his utterances by the popular estimate of doctrinal faith; had he not presumed to point out the errors that had marked the centuries which preceded him; had he bent the suppliant knee to the idols which for ages before him had been worshiped; had he been governed, even, by the policy of silence, of not disturbing the prejudices and foregone conclusions which had long ruled the domain of creeds and dogmas; had he but stifled his convictions, he would today occupy a lofty niche in the American temple of fame. He would be one of the best revered saints in our national calendar. But for the moral bravery of the man, we honor him. For his loyalty to what he believed to be true, we revere him. For his fidelity to his honest convictions we venerate him. For this faithfulness to principle, he should be respected and honored by all just and fair-minded men. When Thomas Paine had reached the age of thirty-six years, his career up to that time having been varied and attended with indifferent success, he fortunately, while sojourning in the city of London, became acquainted with our revered countryman, Benjamin Franklin, who at that time was intrusted with an important commission as ambassador to the English government from Pennsylvania and other colonies. This was in 1774, when the American Colonies were greatly disturbed by the exactions of the British Government. They felt indignant at the unjust taxations that they conceived were laid upon them, and the causes were seething and working which led to the war of the Revolution, and finally enrolled the United States of America among the nations of the earth. Franklin was pleased with Paine, and saw in him indications of talent and energy which he deemed would be adapted to the needs and conditions of the young and struggling colonies. He advised Paine to come to America, and gave him letters to near personal friends in Philadelphia. This advice was acted upon, and after a tedious voyage of two months, Paine arrived in the "City of Brotherly Love." He possessed energy and activity, and he was soon engaged in business in his new home. He became the editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine, which was published by Mr. Aikin, and which, I believe, was the first magazine published in this country. The talents of Paine soon attracted attention. He was a clear, forcible writer, and his articles were greatly admired. Among his early friends was numbered Dr. Benjamin Rush, one of the first citizens of this young country. He made suggestions to Paine, which are believed to have exercised no little influence in moulding his subsequent career. Paine early took an interest in the political excitement which ruled in his adopted country, and he warmly espoused the colonial interests. He clearly comprehended the oppressions of the parent government, and wrote an elaborate Ietter to the home government with the view of inducing it to relax its heavy hand of oppression, and to pursue a policy that would secure the alliance and cooperation of the colonists. This laudable effort, however, was not successful. George the Third and his Prime Minister did not see fit to act upon any such hints and suggestions, but with almost a spirit of madness, they placed the foot of oppression more firmly upon the necks of the colonists. Seeing the indisposition on the part of the parent government to mete out simple justice to the child, Paine warmly espoused the interests of the child. He entered earnestly into the merits of the case, and became thoroughly imbued with American interests. It was under this inspiration that he penned that important pamphlet called "Common Sense," which was brought out in the beginning of the year 1776, that memorable yearÑthe birthday of this great American nationÑand that small but powerful work was one of the principal factors that secured it life and independence in the family of states and nations. It was the first bold, clear, and explicit argument that was put forth in favor of a separation from the parent government, the first direct assault on monarchical rule, and the first advocate of American Independence. Previous to the appearance of that masterly production; the idea of an independent government had scarcely been entertained by the people of this country. They were merely seeking to redress the wrongs that the home government had perpetrated upon them, and the ambition of setting up business as an independent nation had not been indulged in. But Paine's "Common Sense" gave birth to this great and glorious resolve. The effects produced by that pamphlet were without precedent or parallel. Although as much unlooked for as a clap of thunder from a clear sky, it enthused the American heart. Some prudent minds were alarmed, some timid souls were astounded, but it inspired the masses with a determination to throw off the yoke of oppression and to assume the responsibility and the dignity of a free and independent nation in earth's great family of nations. It determined them to fight in defense of this firm resolve, and to risk their lives to secure national liberty, life, and independence. Probably no other little work ever produced such grand results. Its arguments were unanswerable, its reasoning was irresistible, and its logic of the most convincing character. It portrayed clearlythe practicability of an independent government, and fearlessly advised a forcible resistance to the unjust oppressions of a tyrannical government. It pointed out how a government could be established in which its control could be in the hands of the people governed; where the poor and the rich could share equally in the rights, benefits, and duties pertaining to it. It pointed out how the true principle of government should be a systern of equal rights, equal privileges, and equal opportunities for preferment and honor. The masses were enthused by the thrilling and couragreous words of Paine, and a love of liberty was enkindled in the breasts of the people which never slumbered again.Many editions of the brave little work were printed, and they vere freely scattered over the entire country. Scarcely a mansion, farm house, or cabin that was not visited by Paine's "Common Sense," and as a response, a patriotic shout arose over the entire land. It was the warcry which led a young nation to birth and to victory. No man did so much to enthuse the American heart as did Paine. To no man are the American people more indebted for the freedom which they enjoy today. He played a most prominent part in the early drama of our country. He called a new nation into existence, and he gave it a name. Thomas Paine was the first man who ever wrote the immortal words: "The Free and Independent States of America!" The great influence while "Common Sense" exerted in the land was cheerfully acknowledged by the first and best men in the country, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Major General Charles Lee, James Madison, and others abundantly testified to the importance and magnitude of the services of Paine in the struggle of the young Republic in her efforts for life and freedom. Gen. Lee, in a letter to Washington, wrote thus on "Common Sense":
Samuel Bryan said of it:
Lossing, in his "Field Book of the Revolution" said:
Morse, in his "Annals of the Revolution," said:
As a proof of the disinterestedness and generosity of Paine's character, it may be stated that he gave the copyright of this work to the American people. He could have realized a considerable sum upon it but he chose not to acquire money in that way. A few months after this pamphlet first appeared the Declaration was prepared, and by Congress was formally signed at Philadelpllia, July 4, 1876. It is strongly claimed by many of Paine's friends that he was the author of the Declaration of Independence, but justice in our opinion decides that the honor of its production belongs to Thomas Jefferson, another grand apostle of American liberty. But that the documont breathes the spirit of Thomas Paine cannot be denied. He was a warm supporter of the American cause throughout the war, and accompanied the armies in the capacity of war correspondent and itinerant writer of patriotic effusions which flowed freely from his pen, and the truth of the remark can hardly be questioned, that the patriotic productions of Paine were equally as effective in promoting the great and good cause as the rattling of the musketry or the booming of the artillery. This was especially true of his "Crisis," which was issued at irregular intervals during the war, and which exerted a most beneficial influence. The first number of "The Crisis" was issued at the time General Washington was compelled, before superior forces, to retreat from this city across New Jersey; when the army was much reduced by desertions, and the greatest despondency settled over the entire country. When successive disasters and defeats caused a deep gloom to shroud the hearts of the young nation, and many felt that it would be better to relinquish the unequal contest, then it was that "The Crisis" appeared, containing Praine's burning and ever memorable words, "These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will in this crisis shrink from the service of his country; but he that stands it now deserves the thanks of man and woman, Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered, yet we have this consolation with us, the harder the conflict the more glorious the triumph; what we obtain too cheaply we esteem too lightly." To those who seemed willing to put the war off to a future day, he said: "Every generous person should say, If there must be war, let it be in my day, that my child may have peace." To those who asserted that Americans were only rebels, he said, "He that rebels against reason is a real rebel; but he that in defending reason rebes against tranny has a better right to the title of 'The Defender of the Faith' than George the Third." The first number of "The Crisis" was read in every camp and to every corporal's guard. Both in the army and in the homes and by the firesides of the entire country it had the most beneficial effect. Yes, just at that critical moment, when a feather was almost enongh to turn the scales so evenly balannced and decide a nation's existence, it was what decided and seccured the ultimate salvation of this country. Had not Paine's "Crisis" been most opportunely published, enlistments for the army would have been discontinued, desertions would have increased, and midst the prevailing discouragements and gloom our glorious land would have relapsed back under the dominion of Great Britain, to suffer still greater indignities, and the prize of American Independence would have been lost. But as it was, hope was awakened, courage was aroused, and a firm resolve was taken to continue the struggle to a day of victory. The convention of the State of New York, which by indifference was reduced to nine members, was rallied and reunited. Militia men who had become tired of the contest and straggled away, returned to the army. Despair gave place to hope, gloom to cheerfulness and discouragement to firmness and resolution. For this change in the outlook for the young nation, the first number of the "Cricis" is to be largely credited. Truthfully was it said by one of those times; "Without the services of Thomas Paine the American Colonies would not have achieved their freedom from the British crown, and without his wisdom and assistance, a free and equal government could not have been established upon this Continent." Number after number of "The Crisis" appeared at intervals of a few weeks or months, as the condition of affairs seemed to render necessary, and the great value they held in that memorable struggle can never be fully estimated, and the people of this country can never be sufficiently grateful to the author of them. In like manner his faithful services were used during the entire struggle of seven years that the young republic was engaged in achieving its national existence. In the spring of 1777Ñnearly one hundred years agoÑhe was elected by Congess Secretary to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, the duties of which function he discharged with marked ability for nearly two years, when he resigned. Subsequent1y he was chosen Clerk of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, where he also acquitted himself with due credit. As an indication of the interest he felt in the public cause, and of his generosity, it may be remarked that at one time, when the fortunes of the country were at their lowest ebb, and the army was suffering for the merest necessaries, he started a subscription list, and headed it with a donation of five hundred dollars, all the money hc posscssed, including a portion of the salary due him. £300,000, or $1,500,000, were thus raised, which was of immense service to the impoverished, struggling army, and again was it saved; again was hope and promise caused to smile upon the trembling and discouraged soldiers, and much of the good thus accomplished was due to the services of the hero whose memory we so gladly honor to-night. My friends, in view of all this, how does it look for our country, which owes this man so great a debt, to be so guilty of ingratitude towards him? How does it speak for our honor as a nation that sixteen years ago, when a painting of Thomas Paine was offered as a gift, to be hung up in Liberty Hall, in the City of Philadelphia, it was refused? What kind of an appearance was presented a few months ago in the same city when a finely executed marble bust of the noble hero was donated to the city of Philadelphia, to be placed in the old "Cradle of Liberty," when the City Council declined to accept it? What kind of a figure do we present before an intelligent world? Verily, we have reason to hang our heads in shame. Every man of true honor has reason to be ashamed of such conduct. There may be truth in the assertion that "republics are ungrateful." Was Paine a bad man? Does a man with such a brilliant career, one having made such a magnificent record, and one to whom the couutry owes far more than it can ever pay, deserve to have his name maligned, his memory blackened and all his actions and motives belied and misrepresented? Is it honorable, is it manly, is it just, to requite a faithful servant in this manner, because, forsooth, he had the candor to give the world his honest convictions as to the creeds and dogmas which a portion of the world holds to? He held essentially the same religious views with Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Gouverneur Morris, James Madison, and many other men of distinction; does it therefore follow that he should receive nought but calumny, detraction, and ingratitude from his fellow men? If he was more outspoken than some of the persons named in the convictions he honestly maintained, should obloquy and injustice for that reason, be extended to him by those who owe him gratitude and honor? Will any one say he was not as honest in his views as those who opposed him. And had he not the same right to entertain them and to defend them? Did the hatred, venom, and vilification which were visited upon his head, and have since followed his memory, prove that his opponents were in the right and that he was in the wrong? Do bigotry and intolerance represent the highest order of virtue, and are they sure to emanate from the truest doctrines and the soundest philosophy? No, no, truth needs the aid of no such allies to defend it. It never requires the aid of that which is base, or cruel, or mean. Truth fears not the scrutiny of a searching investigation; nor is it incensed at the action of reason and fair dealing, which were the agencies that Paine employed. Truth seeks not the shades of obscurity to hide in. The brightest rays of the noonday sun are not too brilliant for truth. The stronger the light the better is it suited. It has no occasion to fear the attacks of any man, whether his name be Voltaire, Volney, or Paine; Darwin, Huxley, or Haeckel. It is ignorance, superstition, and error that have need to fear the searching glances of such minds; it is these that are most anxious to evade their investigations. The proud bird that soars on pinions strong and free and is not hit by the marksman's bullet is not discomposed. It is the wounded bird that flutters. Time will not permit us to follow Paine to France, and detail his struggles there in behalf of human liberty, his labors in the National Assembly, to which body he was elected as deputy by three different towns; of his narrow escape from death, under the rule of Robespierre, because he humanely opposed taking the life of unfortunate King Louis XVI; of his writting that greatest of political works, "The Rights of Man," in reply to Erskine of England; of his imprisonment under Robespierre's fitful rule; of his writing his celebrated theological work, "The Age of Reason," while in prison, when from the number of executions that were taking place he had reason to believe that he might be summoned any day to the scaffold; of his return to America; of the peaceful evening of his life among his friends at his home in New Rochelle and in this city, where he closed his eyes June 8, 1809, at seventy-two and a half years of age. Suffice it to say that he lived an honorable life. He discharged every duty that was incumbent upon him. He wronged no man nor woman; he aimed under all circumstances to do his utmost to benefit his fellow men. He died, as he lived, steadfast in the convictions of years. He had no reason to change his views; no occasion to fear the consequences of yielding assent to what he believed to be true. But herein, as in so many other respects, the man has been greatly wronged. The assertions that he recanted upon his death-bed, that he revoked the teachings of his life, and that he died in a state of fear and mental agony are wholly untrue. Nothing of the kind occurred. He died peacefully and serenely, like a philosopher and a sage. Two years before his death, and when he knew he had not long to live, he wrote his last work, "The Examination of the Prophecies," which was in keeping with what he had previously written, and in no respect did he change his views upon those and kindred subjects, even up to his latest breath. His enemies have tried to malign his personal character in many ways. We are told that in the latter part of his life he became addicted to intemperance, and that he drank to excess. This also is untrue. Sixty-five years ago ardent spirits were kept in nearly every house. Within my own memory the decanter was kept upon every sideboard or upon every mantel, and when a friend, a neighbor, or a stranger called, it would have been considered a want of courtesy not to offer him a drink of ardent spirits. At that time nearly every person made more or less use of it. Paine was not an exception to the ru!e, but he did not use it excessively. He allowed himself a certain quantity per week, which, was not excessive, and he did not transcend it. He did not become intoxicated. I have had the privilege of conversing with those who knew Thomas Paine in his life-time. I saw two aged men, Mr. Barker and Major A. Coutant, who remembered Paine distinctly, and had often listened to his conversation when he lived at his home in New Rochelle forty minutes' ride from this city. Major Coutant, I believe, is the only surviving person who remembers Paine, and he must soon pass away. He is nearly ninety years of age, and within the last few days, I regret to learn, he has been stricken with paralysis. I bave listened to this man's desescription of Paine, whwn he vividly portrayed the hero's manner and appearance when in conversation, particularly of his sharp, penetrating but pleasant eye. With pleasure I visited Paine's farm, his monument, the spot where his bones were buried, and the house and the room in which he passed much of his time. I sat in the chair which he once sat in to read and write. I saw members of the family with whom he boarded, or rather their descendants, and I enquired particularly of the habits and manners of the great man, and especially relative to the charge of excessive drinking. Everybody spoke in the highest terms of him, and every one disputed the cruel charge which his enemies had made against him. He did not drink to excess. The false accusation was made by enemies and was prompted by the same unfriendly spirit that circulated all other falso charges against him. The work which may well be regarded as his greatest is the "Age of Reason." And this is the work which brought down upon his devoted head the anathema of a hireling, designing priesthood in this country and in Europe. They answered his clear, forcible arguments, his sound reasoning and his telling truths, with slander and abuse. It was the only way they could answer him. Up to this day I claim that not one of his arguments has been proved defective, not one of his positions has been shown to be mistaken, not one of his assertions has been proved to be false. Not one of the many who have attempted to answer him have done so effectually. His "Age of Reason" stands today like a lighthouse on tbe dangerous reefs, on a hazardous coast to show the watchful mariner what rocks to shun, what maelstroms to avoid. Those who have not read the "Age of Reason" ought to do so. It has been greatly misrepresented and maligned. Thousands have been made to believe that it contains much that is terrible, much that is vile. This is not so. There is nothing in it untrue; there is not an immoral nor an improper sentence within its lids. There is nought in it that will harm any man, woman, or child; there is nought in it that has ever harmed any individual; but thousands upon thousands have derived comfort and consolation from its pages. It has swept from the minds of very many persons the cobwebs of superstition and error, and given in lieu thereof the clear light of reason and truth. Kind friends, let us long emulate the virtues of Thomas Paine. Like him let us be lovers of our country and lovers of our fellow men. Like him let us be willing to spend our time, our strength, and our lives in promoting the good of those of our kind around us. Like him let us be fearless in avowing our honest sentiments and convictions. Like him let us be true to the best light we can gain. Let us not be governed by the opinions of deludcd fanatics or narrowminded bigots. Under all circumstances and conditions let us aim to discharge our duty to ourselves, and to our fellow beings. Besides doing all we can to secure our own happiness, let us endeavor to increase and augment the happiness of others. If in the progress and evolution of the human mind, the light of science and truth leads us farther along in the road of progression than Paine traveled during his life-time, let us go cheerfully where truth leads us. Let us strive to know all we can of the truths of Nature, and the laws of the Universe. But in all that we do let us not forget the great services of Thomas Paine, and the importance of his efforts in behalf of our race. His grand utterances will live forever. He it was who said:
|